Comment les médias sont devenus les outils centraux du soft power chinois en Afrique

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 Pendant plusieurs décennies, les grandes puissances occidentales ont dominé l’espace médiatique africain. La situation semble changer, ces dernières années, avec une baisse de popularité des médias européens sur le continent. Pour des pays comme la Chine, c’est l’occasion rêvée…

En 2021, les échanges commerciaux entre la Chine et l’Afrique ont atteint une valeur de 254 milliards $, affichant une hausse de 35% par rapport à 2020. Présente sur le continent depuis le début des indépendances, la Chine n’a commencé à y communiquer pour soigner son image qu’au début des années 2000. La stratégie semble avoir fonctionné. Pour illustrer le changement de la perception africaine de la Chine, il suffit d’observer l’opposition totale entre l’avis de l’ancien dictateur centrafricain, Jean Bedel Bokassa, sur l’empire du milieu et celui d’Abdoulaye Wade, des années plus tard. Pour Bokassa, en 1966, les Chinois étaient « plus dangereux pour l’Afrique que la bombe atomique ». En 2008, l’ancien président sénégalais déclarait au Financial Times que « la Chine a aidé les nations africaines à construire des projets d’infrastructure en un temps record ».

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Dès les années 90, les médias chinois reflètent une image du continent plus positive, moins catastrophiste.

Avec le temps, la perception africaine de la Chine s’est fortement améliorée. Ce changement n’est pas seulement dû au volume des échanges commerciaux. La Chine a également mis en place une stratégie de soft power pour séduire les pays africains grâce à sa langue et à sa culture. Cette action a d’abord été portée par l’institut Confucius. Sur le modèle de l’Institut Français, la première de ces antennes de la culture chinoise s’est ouverte au Kenya en 2005. 15 ans plus tard, il en existe 59 en Afrique. Ces centres se sont montrés efficaces dans la promotion de l’image de la Chine en Afrique. Toutefois, ce sont d’autres outils qui portent désormais le soft power chinois en Afrique : les médias. 


 La présence médiatique chinoise en Afrique
La Chine ne semble avoir pris conscience qu’assez récemment du potentiel des médias en tant qu’outils de soft power. Comme l’explique le rapport « la Chine parle aux Africains : l’appareil médiatique de Pékin », de Ronan Morin-Allory, la Chine a commencé à se signaler sur le paysage médiatique africain dès les années 1960, en apportant un soutien matériel au secteur africain des médias. « Ce soutien s’inscrit alors dans le cadre de sa politique d’aide et de coopération aux pays nouvellement libérés du joug colonial. La Guinée de Sékou Touré ayant décliné l’offre française de maintien d’un cadre de coopération économique et culturel, a été un des premiers pays du continent à bénéficier de la coopération chinoise », explique l’étude.

En l’an 2000, avec la création du Forum sur la coopération sino-africaine (FOCAC), les projets sino-africains dans le secteur des médias se multiplient.
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Source : « La Chine parle aux Africains : l’appareil médiatique de Pékin » CAIRN Infos.

Pendant longtemps, c’est essentiellement autour de ce type de projets que s’articule la coopération sino-africaine dans le secteur des médias. Pourtant, ce n’est pas faute d’essayer de populariser les médias chinois sur le continent. Malgré la domination médiatique occidentale, la Chine tente de lancer ses médias en Afrique. « Les journaux chinois publiés par le China International Publishing Group (CIPG) et présents en Afrique dès les années 1960 ne sont jamais vraiment parvenus à s’implanter sur le continent », explique Ronan Morin-Allory.

Parallèlement, le premier bureau de l’agence de presse chinoise Xinhua est ouvert en Afrique en 1958, en Egypte. La première antenne en Afrique subsaharienne sera ouverte à Conakry, en Guinée, l’année suivante. Passé à 16 bureaux en 1965, le réseau de bureaux de Xinhua reste pourtant peu influent.

C’est en 2006 que les choses vont changer. La croissance de la pénétration d’internet va donner des idées à la Chine. L’empire du Milieu décide alors de confier au bureau kenyan la coordination de tous les bureaux de Xinhua en Afrique subsaharienne. Nairobi devient le centre du réseau médiatique chinois sur le continent. Cette période voit l’émergence des premiers griefs africains contre les médias occidentaux.

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Le Kenya coordonne le réseau médiatique chinois en Afrique.

En effet, dans les années 90, les médias chinois reflètent une image du continent plus positive, moins catastrophiste. A partir de 2006, ils adoptent une ligne éditoriale plus nuancée, évitant de se montrer trop dithyrambiques, ce qui renforce leur crédibilité et leur audience, sans cesse croissantes. Dans la foulée, la RCI (China Radio International), accessible en Afrique depuis 1958, installe un bureau au Kenya en 2006. En 2008, le premier ministre de l’époque Wen Jiabao, exhorte les médias chinois à « présenter au monde une image fidèle de la Chine ».

En 2012, le radiodiffuseur public chinois CCTV (China Central Television) crée son antenne africaine, CCTV Africa qui complète Xinhua et la RCI. La machine de soft power médiatique chinoise en Afrique, telle qu’on la connaît actuellement, sera renforcée par StarTimes, l’opérateur de télévision payante, et plusieurs initiatives dans le secteur du cinéma, comme la création, en 2017, du festival du film sino-africain. Dans la foulée, sort le film d’action chinois « Wolf Warrior 2 », dont certaines scènes sont tournées en Afrique du Sud. Avec l’ambition d’obtenir en Afrique, un impact comparable à celui qu’a connu le film américain « Rambo » dans le monde, Wolf Warrior 2 raconte l’histoire d’un super-héros chinois sauvant des Africains victimes de mercenaires et de trafiquants d’armes.

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Un super-héros chinois sauve des Africains.

Le film rapportera au final 874 millions de dollars au box-office. En y ajoutant le succès inédit des séries chinoises en Afrique, on obtient une machine de soft power bien huilée, coordonnée par la trentaine de bureaux africains de Xinhua. 

Un outil de soft power qui dérange la concurrence

Comme la grande majorité des accords entre la Chine et les pays africains, la coopération médiatique se fait dans le cadre du projet de la Nouvelle route de la soie. Xinhua, notamment, en profite pour signer des accords de partage de contenu avec plusieurs médias africains. En novembre 2021, China Media Group (CMG), l’entreprise publique qui supervise RCI et CGTN (ancienne CCTV), met en place une plateforme de coopération avec 36 médias africains, dont un élément important est le partage de contenus. Il y a, par exemple, l’accord entre le service Hausa de CMG et des sociétés de médias nigérianes afin d’établir une plateforme commune pour les médias en langue hausa. 

L’aspect médiatique représente clairement un des axes importants de la coopération entre la Chine et l’Afrique. S’il semble compliqué de chiffrer les investissements médiatiques de l’empire du milieu sur le continent, il suffit d’observer les réactions de ses concurrents pour se faire une idée de leur importance et de leur impact. Selon un article de l’Institut national de l’audiovisuel français , « le déploiement médiatique de la Chine sur le continent africain a provoqué de vives réactions en France et au Royaume-Uni, anciennes puissances coloniales des pays visés par la Chine, dont l’influence tend à s’amenuiser depuis l’arrivée du nouveau partenaire chinois ».

Pour la présidente de France Médias Monde, Marie-Christine Saragosse, le groupe doit renforcer sa stratégie et son influence en Afrique pour prévenir l’ancrage de nouvelles influences étrangères, comme celle de la Chine par exemple. Du côté de la Grande-Bretagne, la nouvelle dimension des médias chinois en Afrique a poussé à la hausse les investissements du gouvernement dans sa présence médiatique en Afrique. Par exemple, le document stratégique de défense et de sécurité publié en 2015 annonçait un investissement de 85 millions de livres sterling par an jusqu’en 2020 pour le BBC World Service. Finalement, pour faire face, entre autres défis, à la montée des médias chinois en Afrique, le gouvernement britannique a consenti à investir 325 millions de livres sterling pour l’exercice 2019-2020 de BBC World Service. Cela dans le but de « favoriser son image et donc ses intérêts, via l’ouverture de nouveaux services en langues locales africaines : Yoruba (Nigeria), Amharique (Ethiopie, Afrique orientale), Pidgin (Nigeria, Cameroun), Igbo (Nigeria) ».

Les autres puissances étrangères espèrent limiter une influence médiatique qui produit déjà des résultats probants pour la Chine. D’après une étude publiée en 2019 par The Asia Dialogue, sur 28 000 articles de presse provenant de plus d’une centaine de médias dans vingt-huit pays africains, la couverture de sujets tels que la Nouvelle route de la soie est « massivement positive » dans la région africaine, contrairement à celle de l’Europe. L’étude a également révélé que le contenu des médias d’État chinois constituait la majeure partie des reportages sur la Chine dans les médias africains. Pour les médias européens, cela fausse la couverture des questions liées à la Chine en les rendant plus positives. Pour la Chine, la situation est idéale, ses médias font la promotion de ses projets économiques en Afrique.

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Une présence encore loin d’atteindre celle des pays occidentaux.

Cette campagne est répercutée aux plans nationaux par les accords de partage de contenus signés avec les médias. Un rapport du think tank américain Atlantic Council, publié en avril 2022, permet de mesurer les bénéfices de cette influence pour la Chine.
Une étude, présentée dans le cadre de ce rapport, s’est penchée sur la relation entre l’augmentation des investissements directs étrangers chinois dans 54 pays africains et les préférences accordées par ces pays aux votes chinois à l’Assemblée générale des Nations unies. « Les auteurs ont constaté que sur la période de dix-huit ans étudiée, l’alignement politique entre la Chine et les pays africains a augmenté d’environ 80 % », déclare le rapport.

Visiblement, sans atteindre les niveaux de domination des médias occidentaux sur le continent, les médias chinois enregistrent déjà d’importants résultats. On peut affirmer, sans prendre beaucoup de risques, qu’ils sont devenus les outils centraux du soft power chinois en Afrique.
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